The New Brutalist Architecture Anthropology Essay

The New Brutalist Architecture Anthropology Essay New Brutalist architecture is the outcome of a British architectural ethic named New Brutalism. According to Peter and Alice Smithson, the term was coined from a newspaper paragraph heading which, by poor translation of French, called the Marseilles Unità © by Le Corbusier Brutalism in architecture[1]. The Smithsons anointed their own British brand of Modernism by adding New both because they came after Le Corbusier and also in response to the style of the Architectural Review which at the start of the 1950s sunned many articles on the New Monumentality, the New Empiricism, the New Sentimentality etc.[2] Thus, New Brutalism was set to up be the direct line development of the Modern Movement. According to Banham (1966), whilst the terms Brutalism and New Brutalism are often used interchangeably, it is important to distinguish the meanings of the two terms as this paper will be focusing on the latter. Brutalism, though a British term, refers to an architectural aesthetic that is characterised by sticking repetitive angular geometries, and where concrete is used. A building without concrete can achieve a Brutalist character through a rough blocky appearance, and the expression of its structural materials, forms and services on its exterior. Another common theme is the exposure of the buildings functions in the exterior of the building. Banham (1966) summarises the key characteristics of Brutalist architecture as formal legibility of plan, clear exhibition of structure, direct and honest use of materials and clear exhibition of services. Thus, Brutalism casts back in time to include Le Corbusier as one of its important contributors. On the other hand, New Brutalism was coined before any New Brutalist architecture was built. It is an ethic, not aesthetic and is associated with socialist utopian ideology supported by Peter and Alison Smithson and the Team 10 group of architects amongst which they belonged. It is more related to the theoretical reform in urban theory proposed by CIAM than to bà ©ton brut. Thus, having originated from entirely different, organic theoretical doctrines, the British brand of Brutalism has considerable differences to Brutalist architecture from the continent. New Brutalism was born in the post-war era, almost exclusively in the Architects Department of the London County Council (LCC) the only place where young graduated architects such as Peter and Alison Smithson and many   from the Architectural Association school (AA) could find work in London. Many architects who have returned from the world had fought to make the world safe but the economic terms of the price of victory was heavy and the country faced long periods of austerity resulting in shortages, a shortfall in housing and social services. It was a time of benevolent socialism and commitment to the welfare state following the election of the Labour Government in 1945. The government had assumed responsibility for the welfare of the people in a way that would have been unthinkable in the 1930s.[3] Many houses of the working class poor that were in the centre of large industrial cities such as London, Liverpool, Manchester and Birmingham have been destroyed. In London, Abercromb ie and Forshaw published the County of London Plan which described the challenge faced by the government. The report recognised that there is abundant evidence that for families with children, houses are preferred to flats. They provide a private garden and yard at the same level as the main rooms of the dwelling, and fit the English temperament.[4] But, to put everyone in houses would result in the displacement of two-thirds to three-quarters of the people. The planners wished to minimise the out-movement of jobs. They settled on 136 persons per acre which based on the research they did put one third of the people in houses, and some 60 per cent in eight- and ten- storey flats; about half of families with two children will go into flats, but even this density meant the overspill of 4 in 10 of all people living in this zone in 1939. Furthermore, there was the sense of lesprit nouveau of making a fresh start after the cleansing effect of the war. The London architectural debate was fractionized; largely between the student generation and practicing establishment architects. The Establishment architects tended towards Socialist political alignment, with the welfare state architecture of Sweden as the architectural paradigm. For the whole generation of graduating architects from the AA were strongly influenced by the ideas of Le Corbusier and Mies van der Rohe; the Ville Radieuse and the Unità © dHabitation suggested a model to be applied by good hard socialist principles in good hard modernist materials.[5] They felt the Establishment architects were tending towards what they saw as a softer and more humanist Modernism, a retreat from the pre-war, heroic form of Modernism[6]. The Architects Department at the LCC provided a model in the early years; it had an unusually free hand, because the Ministrys ordinary co st sanctions did not apply to it[7]. It first produced the great Corbusian slabs which culminated in the only true realisation of the Radiant City in the world the Alton West estate in Roehampton[8]. The New Brutalists concept of order is not classical but topological: its implementation on a site could have involved judging the case on its merits (i.e. land form, accommodation required, finance available) rather than in accordance with a pre-established classical or picturesque schema.[9] Thus, they distinguish themselves from the earlier Brutalists such as Le Corbusier who proposed in his 1925 Plan Voisin to bulldoze most of central Paris north of the Seine in order to replace it with a hard of identical sixty-story towers. The Swiss architect was working in an inter-war Paris of exuberant, chaotic and often sordid everyday life[10] when the city was racked by disease and slums. He believed in centralising order (The design of cities was too important to be left to citizens[11]). His plans always relied on his famous paradox: we must decongest the centres of our cities by increasing their density; in addition, we must improve circulation and increase the amount of open space. T he paradox could be resolved by building high on a small part of total ground area[12]. This vision required clearing entire sites (WE MUST BUILD ON A CLEAR SITE! The city of today is dying because it is not constructed geometrically[13]). In war-torn London, the New Brutalists had the luxury of bomb-cleared sites but they also had a greater awareness for the historical fabric of the place-the designers of the Barbican estate built around St Giles church which survived the bombing and designers of Park Hill in Sheffield preserved old street names from the slum for their elevated walkways. Le Corbusier developed his principles of planning most fully in La Ville Contemporaine (1922) and La Ville Radieuse(1932). The plans differed in their recommendation for social distribution. The Contemporary Citys clearly differentiated spatial structure was designed to reflect a specific, segregated social structure: ones dwelling depended on ones job[14]. The residential areas would be of two types: six-storey luxury apartments for professional white collar workers (e.g. industrialists, scientists and artisits), and more modest accommodation for workers, built around courtyards, with less open space. These apartments would be mass-produced for mass-living. The apartments would all be uniform, contain standard furniture and be collectively serviced much like a hotel. Le Corbusier also designed entertainment and cultural complexes close to the middle-class in the centre of the city. The blue collar workers would not live like this. They would live in garden apartments within satellit e units. A different and appropriate sort of green space, sports facilities and entertainments would be available for these residents. Many aspects of New Brutalist architecture echo ideas from the Contemporary City. Income segregation has been practiced to different extents; the Barbican estates apartments vary between elaborate and fashionable layouts on the affluent south side (where the tenants were mainly city workers) and simpler layouts and designs on north side where social housing is concentrated[15]. Furthermore, whole out of town social housing estates such as Thamesmead have been built to resemble Le Corbusiers satellite units. By the time of the Radiant City, though the tenets of the Corbusian religion remained unchanged, there were important theological variations.   Everyone will be equally collectivised and live in giant apartments called Unità ©s. Every family will get an apartment not according to the breadwinners job, but according to rigid space norms: no one will get anything more or less than the minimum necessary for efficient existence. Everyone will enjoy collective services such as cooking, cleaning and childcare. Similarly, New Brutalist architects have tried to logically work from basic human needs in order to distinguish the necessary from the unnecessary and thereby simplifying existing architectural conventions to create an efficient living or working space[16]. However, rarely have they attempted to create truly mixed-income neighbourhoods, having concentrated on social housing estates. Although the recent redevelopment of Park Hill estate in Sheffied is mixing affordable and commerci al residential housing in the Brutalist estate, it cannot be said that mixed-income communities were a tenet of New Brutalism. Brutalist architecture quickly became the official architecture of the Welfare State. Criticisms of its severe problems took a very long time to come. In order to see why, it is important to appreciate how bad were the original dense rows of smoke-blackened slums that the towers replaced. Six years of war had reduced those parts of London and the great provincial cities to a sinister squalor. For two decades, any social disbenefits of modernist planning and its transformation of the town passed largely unremarked[17]. Criticisms rapidly became deafening in the 1970s after the subsidy system had been recast and local authorities were already phasing out their high-rise blocks. Though the outburst was triggered by the collapse of a building in a gas explosion, the majority of the complaints were eloquently summarised by Kenneth Campbell, who was in charge of housing design at the LCC and GLC from 1959 to 1974, to be the lifts (too few, too small, too slow), the children (too many), and the management (too little)[18]. Most importantly, critics like to point out that the true cause of all such problems, of which Corbusier is a fully culpable as any of his followers, was that the middle-class designers had no real feeling for the way a working-class family lived[19]; in their world [children] are not hanging around the landing or playing with the dustbin lids[20]. Chapter Two Dreams v Reality Inside the Minds of Brutalist Architects The sin of Corbusier and the Corbusians thus lay not in their designs, but in the mindless arrogance whereby they were imposed on people who could not take them and could never, given a modicum of thought, ever have been expected to take them[21] Corbusian Brutalism and New Brutalism suffered very much similar design failures, and the two have often been combined or confused in ridicule. However, this chapter points out that New Brutalism should not be indiscriminately blamed for deigning solely for the ideals of the middle-class, or that the designers similarly imposed the designs upon such unwitting residents without considering their social-economic needs and lifestyle. With ambition for a new approach to modernist architecture, the New Brutalists sought to exploit the low cost and pragmatism of mass produced materials and pre-fabricated components[22], mixing uses instead of segregation (as in Le Corbusiers design of La Ville Radieuse), designing specific to location and purpose and to use their signature elevated walkways which they named streets in the air. A satisfactory analysis of the architecture would evaluate the performance of such design features one by one, in essence performing an autopsy and separating the healthy organs, from the moderately healthy and the failed. After the procedure is over the pathologist may wonder why certain failed organs were designed in a way that may have been responsible for putting them in the line of trouble. To understand this we will look at what the architects were trying to achieve and the sources that influenced them. Peter and Alice Smithson wished to achieve the Virgilian dream the peace of the countryside enjoyed with the self-consciousness of the city dweller into the notion of the city itself[23]. Thus, unlike Ebenezer Howard who created the garden cities to combine the benefits of the countryside with the utility of city services, the Smithsons wished to take the garden city back into the city. They sought control and calm as key qualities in the modern city. They were also inspired by the flood of new consumer technologies and advertising. The Smithsons felt Le Corbusier was the first to put together the world of popular and fine arts towards the end of his life in Unità © dHabitation in Marseilles. They felt he viewed historic art possibly the classical origins of heroic architectural principles not as a stylistic source but as a pattern of organisation, and a source of social reform and technological revolution[24]. The Smithsons themselves recognised that advertising was making a bigger contribution to the visual climate of the 1950s than any of the fine arts. Advertising was selling products as a natural accessory to life and is packed with information for the average man it had taken over from fine art as the definition of what is fine and desirable by society. They recognised that the mass produced consumer goods had revolutionised the house without the intervention of the architect. However, they also felt that pre-fabricated buildings built for utility and not aesthetics (e.g. schools and garages) have adapted to the built environment a lot better to the existing built environment than buildings designed by fine art architects. Thus, in context of the desire to create calm and safe dwellings for the city dweller, architectural should be developed for the machine-served city. As with the majority of architects of their age, the Smithsons were profoundly influenced by the architecture of Mies van der Rohe. The Smithsons in particular stated that they were profoundly changed by two of Rohes themes: 1. To make a thing well is not only a moral imperative, but it is also the absolute base of the pleasure of use 2. The machine-calm city. No rhetoric, just ordering of elements to effect a gentle, live, equipoise ordinary quality. Neoclassicism.[25] The first point touches on the material aspect of Rohes love for perfection of detail and the use of the finest quality of materials, with the greatest care. The Smithsons felt Rohe had a special feeling for materials as luxury the observer is made aware of the essence of each material[26] Interestingly, this focus on the existential qualities of concrete and the keenness to use the material for its physical characteristic has enjoyed a recent revival in architecture. Conversely, there is debate with regards to the reason why the Smithsons and the Modernist architects before 1980s used the material so liberally. Sarah Williams Goldhagen believed that the Smithson did employ concrete for its physical properties whereas Adrian Forty argues that such conclusions are misguided in part because the Smithsons themselves tried to appeal to a later audience by discussing their earlier works in a new light in their publications. Forty believes that the Modernist architects of per-1980s were p rimarily interested in the form of their structures; further that in the ordinariness of their forms and the unremarkable, smooth and grey expanse of concrete they sought to achieve an abstract formlessness, as if literally urging the structure to disappear with irrelevance. Thus, concrete was not chosen because it was concrete, but rather because it had the properties the architects desired. The latter explanation seems to be the case of the Smithsons in 1974 when they wrote that many old cities the feeling of control is derived from the repetition of the use of materials on every roof, the roofs having been built at the same pitch, with similar roof lights etc. This suggests that perhaps the repeated use of concrete in so many parts of the building was not motivated by its suitability but by the need to repeat and extend control. The Smithsons were keen for their repetition of elements to seem to derive from the intention of the whole, rather than seeming to have been designed as one separate entity which is then repeated. They found that a repetition with subtle differences used by Rohe in creating a large at-the-whole-community-scale central open space was life-including[27]. They also felt that a building is more interesting if it is more than itself if it changes the space around it with connective possibilities but by a quietness that until now our sensibilities could not recognise as architecture at all. They felt a sense of wellbeing can be found if the built-form and the counterpart space are locked together[28]. The recognition that a building is not alone, that it exerts an influence on its surroundings and needs to interact with it to be successful seems now far off from the emphasis of todays planning policies for high quality, inclusive design which should integrate into existing urban form and the natural and built environments[29]. However, what sounded similar is very different in practice as we can see in Robin Hood Gardens, a project by the Smithsons where they consciously incorporated their vision of inclusive design. We can see that the buildings were definitely designed with the central space in mind they are even curved according to the landscape features. However, the estate does not integrate with buildings of the surrounding areas very well in terms of scale or layout. Critics state that it failed to come to terms that existing spatial fabrics held memory and value[30]. People adapt slowly to change a building that nods to the original fabric will aid the adaptation process . This design fails to be inclusive for the surrounding areas that are outside the architects control and thus does not fall into the broader scope of todays standard of good design. However, an earlier project by the Smithsons was a widely held success for integrating well within and introducing variations to the City of London. This was the Economist Plaza which was completed in 1964. A group of three office towers built on a picturesque piazza to allow pedestrian movement independent of the road system with street level access to services and shops, it broke the London tradition of the closed block, and may be considered the precursor of later office developments such as Broadgate[31]. However, its success was also attributed to restraint that was sensitive to context, by the use of stone instead of concrete to assimilate choice of material of older buildings nearby, and designing on the basis of an ancient Greek acropolis plan to maintain with the scale and governing lines of tr adition-bound St Jeremys Street. The successful features of this project also marked a retreat from Brutalism to the restrained Classicism of Mies van der Rohe[32]. The Economist Plaza is an example of how the Smithsons usually go about the designing process they conducted length research into the working practices of the journalists of the Economist magazine in order to create the most efficient structure. Their aim was for their buildings to be specific to their location and purpose[33]. They also took inspiration from the works of others. At the time when the Smithsons were compiling their entry to the Golden Lane housing competition between 1951 and 1953, they had contact with the Hendersons who were conducting social studies in the East End of London. This steered their reading of the city towards a form which reflected the structure of human association. This led to their radical suggestion that the street and housing blocks might multiply in a random and biological way to form a network overlaid on the existing city in a way reminiscent of molecular patterns or fractals. Thus, the topography or the context of a specific site would mould the disposition of the project. The idea of a network is based on the Smithsons belief that a community cannot be created by geographic isolation which, they feel, was the mistake made by English neighbourhood planning (through grouping around an infant school, community centre or group of shops), and the Unità © concept of Le Corbusier[34]. They aspire to aid social cohesion through the looseness of grouping and ease of communication. They felt the quintessential role of the planner is to create a sense of place by encouraging the creation of non-arbitrary groupings and effective communication, making possible groupings based on the family, street, district, region and city apparent. To maintain the looseness of grouping and the ease of communication, density must increase as population increases. The Smithsons believed that we must build high to avoid eating up farmland and creating congestion and increasing travel time on the roads. The architects recognised that high-rise living led to problems such as deprivation of outdoor life, the ineffectiveness of vertical communication, and difficulty in forming friendships for the lack of horizontal communication at the same level[35]. And so they proposed an ambitions vision of a multi-layered, city, leaving on the ground the support networks such as freight and utilities. In large cities, such things as light industries, workshops, clinics, shopping centres and small hotels could easily be located on raised levels: integrated with the deck-dwelling pattern the hope is that the advantage of close physical proximity will draw people to the clearly different districts of the city cause an urban revival a new city in which the home will be very much the centre of all activities[36]. The council house in the UK should be capable of being put together with others in a similar sort, so as to form bigger and equally comprehensive elements which can be added to existing villages and towns in such a way as to revitalise the traditional hierarchies, and not destroy them. The architects felt that building imitation market towns both inside and outside cities deny them the right to be urban forms because they do not engage with the pre-existing community to which they have been attached. The architects were also interested in achieving clarity between private and public space, much like Le Corbusiers Unità © which preserved the individual in seclusion while giving expression to the communal life and faith of the Order with a double-height collective space, and links through the balconies with the world outside. The interior street provides an enclosed world of neighbours whilst the shopping arcade and the roof space belong to and give expression to the total community.[37] The Smithsons were keen to preserve this divide: From the moment the man or child steps outside his dwelling our responsibility starts for the individual has not got the control over his extended environment that he has over his house[38].     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Smithsons entry for Golden Lane failed but their design laid the foundations for the development of streets in the air. The streets in the air are a reinterpretation of East End bye-law streets because the Smithsons saw that such traditional streets in the East End function well as a main public forum for communication, as a playground for children and provide open space for public gatherings and large scale sociability in working class Britain. To fulfil these functions in a Brutalist apartment block, Le Corbusiers rue intà ©rieure-the double-loaded, long, dark corridor on the inside of the building will need to be moved to the exterior. They will be 12 foot wide, continuous and reach every part of the development. At Park Hill estate, Sheffied, the architects even made sure that original Victorian street names were kept and neighbours from the original slum area where the estate replaced were housed next to eachother. This contributed to the initial popularity of the estate b ut it could not stop problems of crime and dilapidation following. It is interesting to compare the fates of Robin Hood Gardens and Park Hill. The vertical circulation system and access from streets in the air were said to make the Robin Hood estate unpopular[39]. However, it was also blamed for disagreeing with the Smithsons idea at Golden Lane of housing elements forming networks or clusters and the Team 10 premise that a buildings first duty is to the fabric in which it stands by having been divided into two building blocks. They do not demonstrate, by combining into a longer entity the potential for a city wide pedestrian network[40]. On the other hand, Park Hill estate does join up into a large entity but its 12 foot decks were in turn blamed for providing quick getaways for burglars and other criminals. Neither building realised the dream of the elevated community utopia. Does this suggest that streets in the air in actuality never got off the ground? The Barbican estate offers safe and secluded elevated decks with beautiful views over the e state but it does not serve as a social gathering place for the residents nor a playground for the children. It seems somehow it is extremely difficult to recapture the East End feel in the Smithsons signature design feature. At the CIAM conference in 1953, they attacked the decades-old dogma propounded by Le Corbusier and others that cities should be zoned into specific areas for living, working, leisure and transport, and that urban housing should consist of tall, widely spaced towers[41]. The Smithsons ideal city would combine different activities within the same areas. However, the legacy of CIAM and of Le Corbusier was a significant burden and will take time to wear off[42]. By the close of 1960s, there was a shift from the raw Brutalism of the 50s to a gentler and more refined form of architectural language[43]. Team 10s urban productions were marked by a distinct retreat from the early mobility-driven solutions to solutions based on the metamorphosis of inherent qualities of existing urban structures where large open sites were concerned; or rehabilitation and reuse of existing structures combined with new small-scale interventions, were existing structures are concerned. In effect, many of the so called Post-Modern revolutions of 1970s, including participation, rehabilitation, restoration, preservation, and political reorganisation, had been pre-dated by Team 10s thinking during 1960s.[44] Does this suggest that the New Brutalists finally acknowledged the mistakes of their designs and retreated? Such an interpretation would have ignored the context of 1950s where a quick solution was needed to re-house many people from bombed out regions in the centre of industrial cities and putrid slums. However, haste is a lazy excuse for questionable design. It cannot be ignored that the hard concrete aesthetic and morphological autonomy in part alienated Brutalist works from their residents and ended up forming ghettos for housing for the lower classes. In fairness, many estates in Britain were brought off the peg by local authorities too lazy or unimaginative to hire architects and planners of their own[45] that resulted in appalling dimness and dullness[46]. But, the original designs from New Brutalist architects also proved to be design disasters. Despite their efforts to accommodate the working class into their towers, they designed buildings with features that were highly uns uitable for such residents and eventually drove them away. Chapter 3 Design Failures According to R. K. Jarvis[47], Le Corbusiers urban design principles belong to the artistic tradition in urban design, sharing the umbrella term with Camillo Sitte, Gordon Cullen, Roy Worskett and the Ministry for Housing and Local Government in London which designed the post-war British towns and villages. From first appearances, such principles could not be more different. Sittes emphasis artistic principles in city building is the direct aesthetic antithesis to modernists conception of Order by pure geometry; and neither would have tolerated the rows of front-and-back garden semi-detached houses of post-war England. Martin Kreigers Review of Large Scale Planning[48] sets out three binds the set of limitations of particular attitudes that are common with all urban designers of the artistic tradition. Firstly, the desire for a formal, general model which will provide a scientific foundation for planning analysis and proposals can be seen just as clearly beneath Sittes sensual and overwhelmingly visual impressions as Le Corbusiers utilitarian explanations of the benefits of international-style living. Guidelines, whether calling for That the centre of plazas be kept free or WE MUST BUILD ON A CLEAR SITE!

Agape Love Essay -- essays research papers fc

What is love? I remember a time when â€Å"I love you† was the hardest phrase to say to the person you really had feelings for because you knew when you said those words it would change the course of your relationship forever. But what is the true meaning of love? â€Å"The dictionary defines love as a feeling of strong personal attach-ment induced by sympathetic understanding or by ties of kindred; ardent affection for one’s children; man’s adoration for God; strong liking; fondness; good will, al love of learning; love of country.† (Bell, pg. 10) According to Bell all of these definitions convey the outward appearance of love. He says that when looking at love that we need to take an inventory of our feeling to find out if we are truly displaying the type of love that God calls agape love. Bell says we need to ask ourselves the following questions: Do I return love? In any relationship love is a two way street. A marriage or relationship will not last v ery long if only one person is showing love and the other is not responding in kind. As a matter of fact, a spiritual relationship works in pretty much the same way. The bible says that God first loved us, but if we do not return that love to Him the relationship may diminish. As a Christian we must first love the unsaved person just enough to go to them and share the good news of the gospel. Then after that person has received the gospel of Jesus it is then up to them to accept it and return the love by giving their life to Christ. â€Å"Ministry is the first stage of this exchange of love.† (Bell, Pg 11) The second question is: Do I try to force love? Since the beginning of time God has always given man a choice or free will. We have a free will to love Him. A free will to obey Him. And a free choice to do His will. As a matter of fact God does not even force His love upon us. Anytime love has to be forced you may as well just call it rape. Even in personal relationships love cannot be forced. If love is forced, it usually results in the person rejecting the love altogether. Christian love does not demand love in return, but it does open the pathway to receive love if love wants to be given. The next question is one that is very personal to me because it is something that I have to work on improving and that is: Do I express love regularly? Sometimes it is easy to take the people you love for granted. We sometimes assu... ... of justice and kindness and devotion; pray and fast without fainting, and spend all of our time in some form of religious worship; if the things that we do were such to get us a name throughout the world, and make us famous to all future generations, it would all be in vain without sincere love to God in the heart. Furthermore, we understand that it is not the external work done, or the suffering endured, that is worth anything but yet it is the extent of love that is displayed that means something in the sight of God. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, Donald A. In Christian Love. Convention Press Nashville, Tennessee (1968). Edwards, Jonathan. Charity and Its Fruits: Christian love as manifested in the   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  heart and life. The Banner of Truth Trust London (1969). Evans, Anthony T. Returning to Your First Love: Putting God Back in First Place.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Moody Press Chicago, Illinois (1995). Lea, Thomas D. The New Testament: Its Background and Message. Broadman &   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Holman (1996). Ellsworth, Roy Mail Call: Prisoners Need Love Too. The Ellsworth Letters Christian   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Endeavors (2000).

The Story of Rosewood

Ingred Thompson Minority Groups 2390. 50 Dr. Dollarhide Texas Wesleyan University Fall 2012 This is the story of Rosewood, Fl. I chose this film because of its sensitive subject on Racism and Discrimination. Rosewood is the true story of a small Florida town, was inhabited that almost entirely by quiet, â€Å"middle-class† African- Americans (most of them home and land owners and better off than average at the time. ) On New Year's Day, 1923, the town was wiped off the face of the earth by angry whites from a neighboring community.It occurred because of the false testimony of one white woman. The massacre in Rosewood claimed dozens of African American's lives. At a time when racial tension was incredibly high, the black members of a small segregated community found themselves unprotected from the hatred of the neighboring white men. The director of this movie is John Singleton; he was on born January 6, 1968, he is a film director, screenwriter, and producer. He is a native of South Los Angeles. A lot of Singletons films deal with issues ranging from discrimination, racism, prejudice, and stereotyping.I will look to explore the different areas of conflict regarding the maltreatment of the African American people. I think that it was so unfortunate for them to be driven away from their homes and life as they knew it. Some of the areas that this film deals with are: Prejudice, Racism, and Discrimination. The conflict theoretical perspective of Weber is utilized throughout the film. The whites were in control of everything, except for the land that the blacks owned (but they wanted to own it too).Prejudice is found throughout this film among the Anglo-Saxon community because of what one woman claimed happened to her. Prejudice is defined as the tendency to think and feel negatively about members of other groups. The main factor of Prejudice as seen it this movie reflects the same ideas that were learned in class. Stereotyping is also present, just because s he (Taylor) didn’t want to be found out she blamed a black man for assaulting and raping her. The fact that the sheriff didn’t really believe her account of what happened, he had to go along with the majority in order to save his ob. This was a case of selective perception, because they only seen it one way, the black man did it. Discrimination on the other hand is the unequal treatment of people based on their membership in a group. Because of what Fannie Taylor said happened to her a whole community suffered at the hands of a group of racist white people. On the morning of January 1, 1923 Fannie Coleman Taylor of Sumner Florida, claimed she was assaulted by a black man. No one disputed her account and no questions were asked.It was assumed she was reporting the incident accurately. Sarah Carrier a black woman from Rosewood, who did the laundry for Fannie Taylor and was present on the morning of the incident, claimed the man that assaulted Fannie Taylor was her white lover. It was believed the two lovers quarreled and he abused Fannie and left. No one questioned Fannie Taylor's account and no one asked Sarah Carrier about the incident. The black community claimed Fannie Taylor was only protecting herself from scandal.Fannie’s husband learned of the incident and became angry. The local white community became aroused at the alleged abuse of a white woman by a black man, which was an unpardonable sin against black men back then to look at a white woman. James Taylor summoned help from Levy County and neighboring Alachua County, who was ending a staged Klu Klux Klan rally leading up to January 1, 1923, on the court house square in downtown Gainesville, where a large number of KKK members had been rallying and marching in opposition of justice for black people.The accounts of what happened: 12/31/22: On New Year's Eve a large Ku Klux Klan Parade is held in Gainesville. 01/01/23: Early morning: Fannie Taylor reports an attack by an unidentified black man. Monday afternoon: Aaron Carrier is apprehended by a posse and is spirited out of the area by Sheriff Walker. Late afternoon: A posse of white vigilantes apprehends and kills a black man named Sam Carter. 01/02/23: Armed whites begin gathering in Sumner. 01/04/23: Late evening: White vigilantes attack the Carrier house. Two white men are killed, and several others wounded.A black woman, Sarah Carrier is killed and others inside the Carrier house are either killed or wounded. Rosewood's black residents flee into the swamps. One black church is burned, and several unprotected homes. 01/05/23: Approximately 200-300 white men from surrounding areas begin to converge on Rosewood. The negro section is destroyed by fire. Governor Cary Hardee is notified, and Sheriff Walker reports that he fears â€Å"no further disorder. † The Sheriff of Alachua County arrives in Rosewood to assist Sheriff Walker. James Carrier is murdered. 1/06/23: A train evacuates refugees, the Rosewoo d families, to Archer and Gainesville. 01/07/23: A mob of 100-150 whites return to Rosewood and burn the remaining structures. For over 60 years, the former citizens of Rosewood lived quietly with their grief and fear. Finally, through the determined efforts of Rosewood descendants, persistent journalists, and talented lawyers, the long-buried story was brought to light, and the survivors and their families were compensated with a $2 million payment of restitution from the state of Florida.Work cited http://www. africanaonline. com/2010/08/the-rosewood-massacre/ http://www. blackpast. org/? q=aah/rosewood-massacre-1923 http://www. displaysforschools. com/history. html http://www. imdb. com/title/tt0120036/ http://www. reelingreviews. com/reel148. htm#rosewood Like Judgment Day: The Ruin and Redemption of a town called Rosewood. D'Orso, Michael. New York: Putnam 1996. 1st Edition. 8vo. 373pp. http://www. africanonline. com/2010/08/the-rosewood-massacre/

An Essay Of Two Abortion Arguments - 1701 Words

Jill Sikora Marquis v.s. Thomson (An Essay of Two Abortion Arguments) Philosophers, lawyers, theologians and others have devoted and continue to devote their lives to study of the ethics of abortion. Since abortion was legalized, the abortion debate has intensified, and does not show any signs of being resolved anytime soon. The idea’s that advocate the women’s right to abort or the proactive logic that supports the pro-life view and the fundamental identity of the baby all come in hand when looking at the ethics of abortion .American philosopher, Judith Jarvis Thompson and american philosopher Don Marquis both came up with very good arguments to support what they believe. First let’s look at Judith Jarvis Thomson s arguments†¦show more content†¦Does the fetus have the fundamental right to the woman s body? Let’s look at another for that Thomson uses. â€Å"If your room is stuffy, and you know that burglars exist, and that by opening your window, there’s a chance of being burgled, have you given the right to your property† (Thomson, 249). Of course not, and especially if you had installed bars on the windows- precisely from keeping the theft from coming in, however the burglar got in because of some defect. This is of course related to voluntary sex even when contraceptives are used, like the theft coming in even when you put bars up, even if the person isn t a burglar, and just stumbles in accidentally. Thomson continues to give another example of this, â€Å"People -seeds, drift in the air like pollen, and if you open your windows, one may drift about in and take root in your carpets. You don t want children, so you fix your windows with fine mesh screens, the very best you can buy. However The seed drifts in and takes root (even you did your very best to prevent this from from happening)† (Thomson, p. 249-250). Does the person-plant that develops now have the right to your house? Of course not.if women give up their right to their body by engaging in activities which they know they could end up with the smallest possibility of becoming pregnant, then if a women does not want a child, how she ought to live (according to this argument)Should sheShow MoreRelatedAbortion Is The Destruction Of A Fetus998 Words   |  4 Pagesthis essay, I will discuss my position on abortion, how it has changed, and how it compares to others’ more established positions. Before I can beg in this, however, I must first discuss the terms that will be used and their definitions. For the purposes of this essay an abortion is the destruction of a fetus at any point in development. A fetus constitutes a fertilized egg. At the moment the egg and sperm converge, the product is entitled a fetus. Prior to this course, my opinion on abortion wasRead MoreAbortion and Morals1547 Words   |  7 PagesThe Immorality of Abortion Religion, personal rights, or science normally fuels the debate on abortion. However abortion can be looked at philosophically and debated whether it is moral or immoral. In this paper I will argue that abortion is immoral because it deprives the zygote from any future life. In The Journal of Philosophy, Don Marquis argues in his essay, â€Å"Why Abortion is Immoral† that abortion is wrong because it deprives the fetus of a ‘future like ours’Read MoreAnalysis Of Abortion By Jennifer Davis1137 Words   |  5 PagesMovement Two feminist readings, â€Å"Abortion† by Jennifer Saul and â€Å"Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights† by Angela Davis, both cover the important feminist topics of abortion and reproductive rights, but in different ways. Though very alike, the pieces are different in important ways, as they both bring ideas to the table that work in tandem with each other, as I will discuss below. In this paper, I will cover the difference in how these authors approach the subject, how arguments from Saul’sRead MoreOn Thomson s A Defense Of Abortion Essay1278 Words   |  6 PagesOn Thomson’s â€Å"A Defense of Abortion† Abortion is the intentional and deliberate termination of a human pregnancy that results in the death of a fetus. It is a practice that has sparked many debates centering around arguments over women’s right and fetal rights. Judith Jarvis Thomson’s essay, â€Å"A Defense of Abortion,† argues that a fetus’s right to life does not always override a women’s right over her own body and thus abortion is not morally impermissible. By using thought experiments, ThomsonRead MoreEssay The Abortion Arguments of Cider House Rules1105 Words   |  5 PagesThe Abortion Arguments of Cider House Rules I am writing this essay on a Saturday evening, not with any real contemplation, or even planning. I am writing this because I was just minutes ago watching the movie Cider House Rules. I wont go into the plot of the movie, but, to explain my motivation for writing this, I will simply describe one portion of the movie. The scene at issue in my mind right now is one where a fourteen-year-old girl comes to the orphanage which is the setting for partRead MoreThe Argument of Abortion - Philosophy Essay1126 Words   |  5 PagesThe Argument of Abortion - Philosophy Essay The Argument of Abortion - Philosophy Essay In On the Moral and Legal Status of Abortion, Mary Anne Warren discusses a few arguments against abortion, namely bringing into play whether the fetus is actually a person, or â€Å"not a member of the moral community†. She defends that abortion is a morally sound action. Don Marquis, in his essay An Argument that Abortion is Wrong, takes the opposite stance. He claims â€Å"that abortion, except perhaps in rareRead MoreAbortion Is Morally Wrong?1682 Words   |  7 PagesAbortion is the termination of a pregnancy by removal of the fetus from the mother’s womb. It is estimated that there are 30-40 million abortions conducted a year (Trupin). Abortions have been legal in the United States since the Supreme Court’s decision in the 1973 Roe v. Wade case, however there is still a major controversy surrounding abortion as to whether or not abortions are morally acceptable. While some argue that abortion is morally impermissible, as it involves the killing of a fetus, othersRead MoreMy View On Abortion And Abortion1628 Words   |  7 Pagesgoing to explain my view on why abortion is impermissible in most cases and agree with Judith Thomson. However, I do not agree with her examples and argume nts and would like to explain why this contradicts with what she claims in her essay. Exposition: (423 words) In â€Å"Defense to Abortion† essay Judith Thomson proposed that abortion is impermissible and she supports her claim by considering fetus as a person and it s right to live. Her essay proposes this argument with the premises: 1) Every personRead MoreShould Abortion Be Legal?1448 Words   |  6 Pagesstudying the debate on whether or not abortion should be illegal, you are approached by many different writers with interesting arguments, filled with their opinions and reasons for why abortion should or should not be allowed. Two essays that have caught my attention while reading about the debate of abortion are: â€Å"A Defense of Abortion† by Judith Jarvis Thomson, and â€Å"An Almost Absolute Value in History†, by John T. Noonan Jr. Thomson argues that abortion is permissible in cases where the mother’sRead MoreEssay about Is Abortion Morally Permissible or Not?1322 Words   |  6 Pagesfollowing essay will examine the morality of abortion with specifi c reference to the writings of Don Marquis, Judith Jarvis Thompson, Peter Singer and Mary Anne Warren. I will begin by assessing the strength of the argument provided by Marquis which claims that abortion is impermissible because it deprives a being of a potential â€Å"future like ours,† and then go on to consider the writings of Singer, Thomson and Warren to both refute Marquis claims and support my assertion that abortion is morally